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2018 November

koutiany

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November 12, 2018

Mapping the Hooligans

November 12, 2018 | By | No Comments

In 2013, ProFans published a public statement that pointed out the rise of the right-wing extremist activities in German football stadiums. The statement by ProFans, the largest football fan organization, appealed to the relevant parties to work together and to avoid the deterioration of the situation. After Merkel opened the borders to refugees in 2015, almost one million refugees left their home countries and arrived in Germany. The social change provided right-wing extremists an excuse to expand their organization. Accordingly, the number of violent activities inside the stadium planned by right-wing extremist rose dramatically.

Die Bundespolizei hinderte 42 Hooligans an der Ausreise

There are various types of fans in German soccer culture. Since the subgroups inside the fan population overlap with each other, sometimes it is hard for the public to distinguish between the different fan groups. Those who support their football club in an ultra-fanatical way are categorized as the ultras. In contrast, the hooligans are fans with extremely violent behaviors. Some fan groups may be influenced by political ideologies such as conservatism or socialism, or exhibit racist behaviors, ranging from avowed nationalism to anti-fascism. Recently, the fan group most frequently criticized in mass media is the right-wing extremist football fan who conducts violent crimes inside the stadium.

Journalists have documented cases of right-wing extremist football fans conducting crime since at least 2013. For example, Borussia Dortmund has long been the most attractive club for neo-Nazis in the state of North Rhine- Westphalia. Eastern Germany also has a noticeable scene. Faust des Ostens is a hooligan group connected to the Dynamo Dresden football club. Right-wing extremist speech and behavior appear not only in the Bundesliga, but also in the lower leagues. Six football fans celebrated Energie Cottbus’ promotion by marching through the city in Ku Klux Klan hoods. In 2017, SV Babelsberg fans got into a fight with Energies Cottbus fans because the EC fans baited them with Nazi chants, such as “Arbeit macht frei, Babelsberg null drei”.

In the contemporary political context, how are political ideologies, in this case, specifically the right-wing extremist ideologies present here, used, and promoted among the football fans? On the one hand, football as a cultural product provides a platform for various types of audience to express their feelings. On the other hand, recognizing and analyzing the current situation could be beneficial in terms of deepening our understanding of the right-wing extremist movements in German society.

Working with the CHI fellowship allows me to present the Hooligan culture from a different point of view. With the help of the new technical mapping tools we’ve been using in the last couple of weeks, I could simply pinpoint the hooligan activities of various clubs on a customized map. Instead of depicting the hooligan activities through text, a well-designed map could present the reality in a more direct, and clear way. Since hooligan activities do not only accrue in the Bundesliga level, but also in the lower leagues, I would use different colors for each league. Through the geographical description, the reader can also see the differences between the five new federal states and the ten old states, which could lead to the next level analysis. Furthermore, within each league, certain teams have traditional rivals. Some may be in the same area, but in the opposite side of the city. The hooligan activities always rise to the next level when two rival teams play with each other. With the visual presentation, readers will have an easier time tracking down and understanding the complicated relationship between football clubs.

The German hooligan groups also share a connection with other hooligan groups throughout Europe, which could also be depicted through the map. Since the map could be easily inserted in a website, other cultural phenomena could also be listed to this website, such as the clothing culture of right-wing extremists, certain musical groups, etc. Websites, as one of the digital platforms, play a significant role in combining geographical, visual, textual information and linking research subjects. The ultimate goal of mapping the hooligan culture is to show the public that right-wing extremists have been using football as a tool for conducting violence, spreading fear, and promoting extremist ideologies. As the ProFans said, “the right-wing extremist is not part of our creative, diverse, colorful and loud fan culture in the stadium.” *

* „Die extreme Rechte ist nicht Teil der kreativen, vielfältigen, bunten und lauten Fankultur in unseren Stadien.“- ProFans

cartyrya

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November 8, 2018

Data from the Atlantic Slave Trade, Part 2

November 8, 2018 | By | No Comments

In my last post, I discussed how historians use ethnonyms in historical datasets. The main take-away from that post is ethnonyms are difficult to interpret but can reflect the movement of African slaves with similar socio-cultural characteristics to specific regions in the Americas. Historians use this information to explore cultural continuities between Africans and African-descended people in the Americas.

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TaylorPanczak

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November 6, 2018

Digitizing the History of Archaeology: Ethical responsibilities

November 6, 2018 | By | No Comments

Recently I have had the opportunity to scan over 1000 slides of excavations that occurred along the southern coast of Peru throughout the 90’s and early 00’s. While the task itself was mundane and took many more hours than I was expecting, the images that I discovered through this digitization process were absolutely breathtaking. I was witnessing the slow evolution of one of South America’s oldest archaeological sites in terms of excavation and landscape modification. Not every slide itself is valuable but together every slide represents a small portion of a story that was largely only known to the excavators until now. This slide scanning process made me think of the history of archaeology and how the later generations of archaeologists have an ethical responsibility to digitize the old records so they are more freely available. This includes old site forms, journal entries from the PI or the excavators, any pictures of the excavations or tools, and any other documents that could be useful for future archaeologists. Digitizing these documents can also be used as outreach for the public in which archaeologists of the past had worked. This can help to further include communities in the process of archaeological investigation and possibly garner interest from outside the field.

With the discipline becoming more mature and getting older by the year, the history of archaeology is becoming much deeper and is starting to reach a point where some of that history can be lost if it is not moved into a new format. It is no surprise that as technology advances thing become obsolete and eventually become nontransferable onto the newer formats. I fear that if we do not start digitizing old archaeological records soon, we will not be able to transfer them onto a format that is widely and equally available to everyone. Digital records are much easier to gain access to than physical paper copies for obvious reasons but the overall control of information is vastly different between the two mediums. If information is purely stored in a physical format, the paper copies can be easily forgotten through purposeful or unintentional endeavors where as digital information can be sought out on the internet and stumbled upon. My point here is that it is our ethical responsibility as archaeologists to make what we do as widely available as possible to the public and future archaeologists. It is also our responsibility to maintain our own history otherwise we may lose precious information in the miasma of archaeological research. The large and publicly known sites may persist in public and written memory but the supporting sites that build and perpetuate theory have the potential to be lost unless we make a concerted effort to conserve all archaeological data.

 

 

john5110

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November 2, 2018

Who Writes Our Stories?: Critical Digital Literacies & Youth Activism

November 2, 2018 | By | No Comments

My research interests are transdisciplinary and primarily focus on race, storytelling, and s/place. Working alongside communities of Color, I also consider education and schooling sites to make meaning. There is a lot of amazing work being done that considers Black Studies and digital scholarship, and so below I focus primarily on digital tools in education.

There is conversation concerning “the digital world” in education. Much concerns social media in the classroom or tools such as SMART boards and Google Drive. Even then, terms such as “digital natives”, which I find extremely problematic, evoke a lack of agency because despite youth (broadly with little context) being categorized as knowledge-holders in digital spaces, they’re still spoken of in deficit ways.

Critical conversations around digital tools and technology look not only at how it’s being used, but how technology is used as a tool of power and by whom. Critical theorists also push us to go beyond a surface level integration of digital tools in classrooms and look at digital space and it’s relationship with out s/places, such as schools (Gitlin & Ingerski, 2018). Garcia, Stamatis, and Kelly (2018) consider the ways that “technology mediates student identities” (p. 404) and others (Garcia, Mirra, Morrell,  Martinez, & Scorza, 2015; Mirra, Morrell, & Filipiak, 2018) look more broadly at youth identities, the possibilities in critical digital literacies and youth activism.

I first came to meaningfully think about the possibilities of digital tools, youth, and communities when I came across Youth Radio’s website. I was in a course about Youth Literacies and simultaneously working with youth to understand their literacy practices through Instagram and Snapchat.

“West Side Stories: Gentrification in West Oakland” (Youth Radio Interactive) uses storytelling, art, and interactive mapping to speak to the tensions, layers, and competing interests of gentrification and displacement in West Oakland. Specifically, the mapping features West Oakland’s people, places, and histories.

Not only does this involve transformative work, but it’s work that is authored by whole communities, and features youth participatory action research (YPAR). It challenges preconceptions of who can research the tensions and possibilities of a community and whose voices matter. It offers public access to community members, but also to others so that we may learn.

It pushes me to think of the ways I can work alongside members of my communities to render our cultural artifacts, literacy practices, and the s/places we care about as intentional narratives that reject damage-centeredness (Tuck, 2009).